Tyler Pager covers the White House. He reported from Washington.
JD Vance wanted the Jeffrey Epstein files released. He repeatedly called for ending American military assistance to Ukraine. And he warned against the United States becoming involved in any overseas conflicts.
But that was all before he became President Trump's vice president.
In his first six months in the role, Mr. Vance has emerged as a warrior for Mr. Trump, vigorously promoting and defending the president while twisting away from his past stances on a range of topics.
It's the latest sign of how Mr. Vance, who assailed Mr. Trump in 2016 and once called himself a "Never Trump guy," has transformed himself into a fiercely loyal ally -- even when it puts him at odds with the political movement in which he is seeking to build his own following.
On Monday, speaking in front of steel plant workers in Canton, Ohio, Mr. Vance defended the administration's decision not to release files related to the case of Mr. Epstein, a move that has provoked sharp blowback among right-wing influencers and lawmakers.
"We're not shielding anything," Mr. Vance said, echoing Mr. Trump's claims that previous presidents did not do enough to shed light on the case. "Donald J. Trump, I'm telling you, he's got nothing to hide. His administration has got nothing to hide. And that's why he's been an advocate for full transparency in this case."
The stakes are high for Mr. Vance as he seeks simultaneously to demonstrate his allegiance to the president and to position himself as his natural successor. So far, Mr. Trump has repeatedly declined to endorse his vice president -- or anyone else, for that matter -- as worthy of inheriting his political movement.
Mr. Vance's strategy appears centered on serving in public as a vocal champion for the administration's policies while privately cultivating relationships with some of the most prominent voices in Mr. Trump's base. He is close to Tucker Carlson, who lobbied Mr. Trump to select Mr. Vance as his running mate, and he texts regularly with conservative activist Charlie Kirk.
"When it comes down to it, MAGA Republicans are still behind Vance 100 percent," said Jack Posobiec, a right-wing activist who has criticized the Trump administration's handling of the Epstein files.
Mr. Posobiec said the president's most loyal supporters would not look favorably upon Mr. Vance criticizing Mr. Trump -- even if the vice president had to shift some of his policy stances.
"I think they would view breaking with the president a bigger issue," he added.
William Martin, Mr. Vance's communications director, said the vice president was a "relentless advocate" for the president and his agenda, specifically promoting the administration's work to secure the southern border and to pass legislation to cut taxes.
"Despite whatever narratives The New York Times wants to conjure up, Vice President Vance is going to continue helping President Trump deliver for the American people," he said in a statement.
Mr. Vance faces the same challenge that has long bedeviled vice presidents: There is little room to carve out one's own independent positions.
"We on the outside underestimate how much, if you are vice president, you have to be in line with the president," said William Kristol, a vocal critic of Mr. Trump who served as chief of staff to Vice President Dan Quayle. "You just can't afford to have for there to real public daylight there."
However, Mr. Trump's recent shifts on foreign military engagements, in particular, have forced the vice president to rapidly change his own stances in response.
In March, Mr. Vance's skepticism of planned U.S. attacks against Houthi militia in Yemen was revealed in the leaked Signal chat of top administration officials, providing a remarkable window into his dissent behind the scenes.
Mr. Vance wrote in the chat that he thought the timing of the operation was a "mistake," arguing that European nations stood to benefit the most from the U.S. Navy's efforts to protect shipping lanes from Houthi attacks.
"I am not sure the president is aware how inconsistent this is with his message on Europe right now," Mr. Vance wrote. "There's a further risk that we see a moderate to severe spike in oil prices. I am willing to support the consensus of the team and keep these concerns to myself."
Mr. Vance eventually said he would support the strikes but added, "I just hate bailing Europe out again."
When the chat was revealed, Mr. Vance’s team quickly sought to downplay any notion of disagreement between the vice president and Mr. Trump. “Vice President Vance unequivocally supports this administration’s foreign policy,” Mr. Martin, the spokesman for Mr. Vance, said in a statement at the time.
Still, the messages show that Mr. Vance’s foreign policy views sometimes run counter to Mr. Trump’s approach. Some allies of the vice president now privately question whether Mr. Vance’s worldview is losing influence in the president’s orbit.
This summer, Mr. Trump ordered military strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities despite criticism from some of his most ardent supporters, who expressed fear he was leading the United States into the kind of foreign entanglement he long decried. And he has reversed himself on providing aid to Ukraine, forcing Republicans on Capitol Hill to swiftly pivot their own position.
On both issues, Mr. Vance had urged more restraint. He has consistently called for a complete pause of U.S. military aid to Ukraine amid its war with Russia.
In February, Mr. Trump and Mr. Vance berated President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine during a meeting in the Oval Office, admonishing him for not being grateful enough for U.S. support.
And Mr. Vance has long expressed skepticism about U.S. intervention abroad generally.
"My entire adult lifetime has been shaped by presidents who threw America into unwise wars and failed to win them," Mr. Vance wrote in a 2023 opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal, in which he endorsed Mr. Trump's candidacy, citing the foreign policy record of his first term.
"I prefer a different kind of statesmanship: one that stands athwart the crowd, reminding leaders in both parties that the U.S. national interest must be pursued ruthlessly but also carefully, with strong words but great restraint," he added.
As vice president, Mr. Vance has drawn on his anti-interventionist credentials to defend the president’s willingness to attack Iran. Shortly before the strike, he posted a lengthy explanation of Mr. Trump’s consideration of military action.
"I can assure you that he is only interested in using the American military to accomplish the American people's goals," Mr. Vance wrote. "Whatever he does, that is his focus."
Allies of Mr. Vance dispute the idea that the vice president has changed his foreign policy positions, arguing that Mr. Vance has long opposed Iran’s ability to develop a nuclear weapon, and that Mr. Trump’s strikes were successful in achieving that goal. And, Mr.Vance’s allies say,the administration’s deal to sell weapons to NATO allies means U.S.taxpayers are no longer footing the bill of Ukraine’s defense.
On the Epstein files, Mr.Vance was among those on the right who suggested that there was a concerted effort to keep details of the case quiet.In 2021,he wrote on social media:“What possible interest would the US government have in keeping Epstein's clients secret?Oh ...”He followed up with another post:“If you're a journalist and you're not asking questions about this case you should be ashamed of yourself.What purpose do you even serve?”
In October,while on the presidential ticket with Mr.Trump,Mr.Vance called for the release of the Epstein files,calling it “an important thing”during a podcast interview with Theo Von.
But now,as the Justice Department has backtracked on a promise to release files about the investigation,Mrs.Vance has defended the administration and criticized the media for reporting on Mr.Trump’s own friendship with Mr.Epstein.
Earlier this month,Mrs.Von reposted the clip of his interview with Mrs.Vance and wrote,“What changed?”