Wood Farm occupies a special place in the lives of the Royal Family. It was where Prince Philip retired after giving up public duties and when the Queen joined him it was where they liked to reminisce, poring over old family photographs.
How unbearably poignant such a scene appears today. The shock over Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor has stripped the farmhouse of its bucolic charm so beloved of his mother and father and plunged the monarchy into a crisis from which it may never recover.
For centuries it has withstood scandal and insurrection, regicide and abdication and yet survived. It has done so thanks to a combination of pragmatic adjustments and with the exception of the briefest of blips, public devotion. But this feels different and dangerously so.
In the 40 years I have covered the Royal Family, there have been other moments when the foundations of the institution seemed in peril: the loss of Diana when our bottomless sorrow over her needless death was, rightly or wrongly, so very nearly overwhelmed by rage at what was seen as the Royal Family's cold indifference towards the princess.
Then it was the failure to lower a flag at half-mast over Buckingham Palace or address the anguish of a public who wanted a visible sign of royal willingness to assuage the nation's grief. Instead, they saw reluctance.
Earlier still, the annus horribilis when dismay at three failed royal marriages was supercharged by the conflagration of Windsor Castle and who was to pay for its repairs - us or the non-taxpaying Windsors - raised awkward questions.
And later there was the spectacle of Prince Harry's spiteful exit from royal life, domestic tantrums and his venomous treatment of his own family.
All these were significant and damaging moments, and they all registered one common denominator: that, for all its faults, monarchy was still preferred.
If anything, there was a recognition that the privileges of royalty, the palaces and the bling was no protection against the grim realities of life experienced by so many others.
But the affair of the ex-prince Andrew is of a different scale. Its unsavoury allegations involving money, sex and his abandonment of patriotism have permeated every crack of the royal fabric, overshadowing good intentions, obliterating hard-won reputations and somehow trapping the family in an endless cycle of sleaze. With it too has gone public sympathy.
It is now quite likely that however long or short, the King's reign will be remembered for one thing and one thing only - Andrew and how he dealt with him.
Yesterday some of the King's more reliable supporters rushed to the airwaves to claim that Charles's interventions - commendable as they undoubtedly are - demonstrate the resilience of the monarchy and that his statement in which he said 'the law must take its course' was a sign of both his and the institution's openness and honesty.
I cannot agree. As this whole saga has unfolded it has felt more and more like a symbolic moment that has struck not just at the public's affection for the monarchy but at something far more fundamental - our trust in it.
It is easy for those of us who were not there and have no memory beyond the history books to compare what has happened with the seismic events surrounding the Abdication crisis of King Edward VIII in 1936.
Aylsham Police Station where Andrew was questioned on Thursday
Certainly, there are some parallels: many have likened the greed of Andrew and his ex-wife Sarah Ferguson - as detailed in the Epstein Files - to the acquisitive life Edward and his American wife Wallis assumed as Duke and Duchess of Windsor as international freeloaders.
For Andrew, it was a craving for access to the gilded world inhabited by Jeffrey Epstein.
But there are some startling differences. Edward was an immensely popular king and before that Prince of Wales.
There was no public clamour to drive him from his throne. And when he went into exile, he did so with all his royal titles intact - HRH included - while his Order of the Garter banner continued to hang at St George’s Chapel, Windsor, until his death.
Andrew, lacking his great uncle’s magnetism or popularity, despite his selfless Naval service in which he saw action in the Falklands War, is seen as entitled, arrogant and ignorant.
He has been deprived of everything: style, titles, honour and home.
But the pre-War world of the Abdication, where 90 per cent of the population would identify as monarchists, is so very different from modern Britain. Today that support is at a tipping point.
When the latest British Social Attitudes Survey, which since 1983 has asked the same question - 'Is the monarchy important to the UK?' - released its report last September, it showed just 51 per cent thought so, compared with 81 per cent four decades ago.
Among young people - the crucial 16 to 24 age group - it has dwindled far more. Make no mistake Andrew’s grotesque story has been a gift to republicans who gleefully sense that Britain’s long love affair with the Royal Family if not ending, is in terminal decline.
Andrew’s arrest is therefore a moment of profound challenge to Buckingham Palace. Regardless of the titles and styles he has had removed, he is still the King’s brother, the late Queen Elizabeth’s son and for 22 years, remember, the heir in line to the throne.
There is, I believe, a very real sense of vulnerability. And the decline in public support is pivotal.
It has been building for some time. The King has been heckled twice in public on official engagements and in recent days journalists have been emboldened to shout questions at both Charles and Prince William as though they are politicians on the stump.
When news that Andrew was to no longer be a prince broke on television, the audience on BBC’s Question Time broke into spontaneous applause.
Ever more questions are being asked about the wealth of the Windsors, their extensive properties and their many privileges. All this can be traced back to the Andrew imbroglio.
Yesterday’s arrest, however, is not the end of the issue, but rather the beginning.
It is true that, in dealing with his brother, Charles has been ruthless in a manner that the late Queen could never bring herself to be.
The Andrew problem did not begin on his watch; it had been there in plain sight for almost 12 years up to Queen Elizabeth’s death. But then there were never any serious banishments at all during her reign. No disgraced relatives were ever cast aside.
Perhaps tempered by her compassion for her sister Princess Margaret, first over her thwarted love for dashing equerry Group Captain Peter Townsend and then for her divorce and scandalous affairs, the Queen chose understanding and restraint in all domestic matters.
In her speech that bookended 1992’s annus horribilis, and just days after the Windsor fire, the Queen famously accepted the criticism which had descended on the royals but asked also for a ‘touch of gentleness, good humour and understanding’.
Thirty-four years later, public attitudes towards Andrew show reserves of ‘understanding’ are spent. And quite possibly so too are gentleness and humour.
Many have been left wondering why she did not act sooner. Surely the time to act was when the Mail on Sunday published that photograph of the then Duke of York with his arm around the bare waist of 17-year-old Virginia Giuffre.
Instead she installed him as a Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order; the most senior knighthood below the Garter.
Only with Epstein’s death by suicide and Andrew’s grossly offensive self-justifying interview with BBC Newsnight and its astonishing absence of remorse did the Queen feel compelled to make a move.
But even sidelining him from royal duties and forbidding him from wearing military uniforms was simply too little, too late.
Matters were not helped by obfuscation and what I can only describe as a blind faith that Andrew’s truth was the truth.
Only through the revelations of the Epstein emails do we now know that so many of his claims, such as when he broke off contact with the financier, were not true.
At the heart of this reluctance to properly address the growing catastrophe was Andrew’s uniquely close relationship with his mother.
Even in his disgrace she permitted her favourite son to take her arm at Prince Philip’s memorial service—a highly public and symbolic moment. And it triggered considerable anger. It suggested the royals were not listening.
By then, even within the Royal Family, there was consternation. When Andrew attempted to make a public return at the Garter ceremony at Windsor in 2022 William effectively issued an ultimatum to his grandmother: if his uncle appeared publicly in the procession, he would withdraw.
The Queen conceded and Andrew was quietly removed from the public elements of the day at the last minute—so late his name was still printed in the order of service.
As his mother vacillated, Charles could do nothing. As Prince of Wales, he had strongly objected to Andrew’s elevation to the post of trade envoy back in 2001, warning that it would be a disastrous appointment.
His brother, however, had a powerful ally in Peter Mandelson; now facing his own Epstein reckoning.
All the same Charles had to overcome fraternal and blood ties. One area where he could still act is to remove his brother as a counsellor of state and his position in line of succession - he is currently eighth.
Both are still seen by public as indulgences which should and could be taken away.
The swoop by plain clothes police on Wood Farm yesterday changes everything. Events are no longer under palace control. They are also extremely complicated.
Should Andrew be charged after his arrest - and his arrest has already placed us in uncharted territory - the legal terrain would be treacherous in ways rarely discussed publicly.
Andrew has been under intense scrutiny over his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein (pictured)
It would lead to a court case and would be a global sensation. Just imagine the brother of Britain's sovereign on trial in one of His Majesty's courts where judges and magistrates sit beneath the royal coat of arms. Verdicts of guilty or not guilty could be equally damaging to the monarchy.
But consider this: were Mountbatten-Windsor to claim, for example, that he had kept the King informed of any part of his conduct, the implications for the constitution would be extraordinary.
As monarch, Charles cannot testify or be a witness in his own courts. A prosecution could collapse - just as royal butler Paul Burrell's case imploded in 2002.
Then it emerged that Princess Diana's butler, charged with theft, had told the Queen that he had taken some of Diana's personal items and papers for safekeeping.
On that occasion,the Crown could not call its own monarch as a witness.The case fell apart.Those who understand how these things work have not forgotten that precedent.
Not so long ago on February 19th flags would have been flying on public buildings to mark Andrew’s birthday and church bells would have pealed.
Yesterday it was the sound of unmarked police cars crunching up the Wood Farm gravel that were the only background noise to his 66th birthday.
His fall may now be complete.The question is whether he brings down the House of Windsor with him.